The new American Order

stone island mussola gommataHave you ever ever undertaken some task you felt lower than qualified for, but knew that someone needed to do? Consider this piece my version of that, and let me put what I do understand about it in a nutshell: based on developments in our post-9/11 world, we could be watching the birth of a new American political system and a way of governing for which, as yet, we have no name.

And here’s what I find strange: the evidence of this, however inchoate, is throughout us and yet it’s as if we can’t bear to take it in or make sense of it or even say that it is likely to be so.

Let me make my case, however minimally, based on five areas by which at the least the faint outlines of that new system appear to be emerging: political campaigns and elections; the privatization of Washington through the wedding of the corporation and the state; the de-legitimization of our traditional system of governance; the empowerment of the national security state as an untouchable fourth branch of government; and the demobilization of “we the people.”

Whatever this may occasionally add up to, it seems to be based, no less than in part, on the increasing concentration of wealth and power in a new plutocratic class and in that ever-expanding national security state. Certainly, something out of the ordinary is underway, and yet its birth pangs, while widely reported, are generally categorized as aspects of an exceedingly familiar American system somewhat in disarray.

1. 1 Percent Elections

Take a look at the news concerning the 2016 presidential election and you’ll quickly feel a sense of been-there, done-that. As a start, the two names most related to it, Bush and Clinton, couldn’t be more familiar, highlighting as they do the curiously dynastic quality of recent presidential contests. (If a Bush or Clinton should win in 2016 and again in 2020, a member of a kind of families could have controlled the presidency for 28 of the last 36 years.)

Take, as an example, “Why 2016 Is More likely to Become a close Race,a recent piece Nate Cohn wrote for my hometown paper. A noted election statistician, Cohn points out that, despite Hillary Clinton’s historically staggering lead in Democratic primary polls (and lack of serious challengers), she could lose the final election. He bases this on what we find out about her polling popularity from the Monica Lewinsky moment of the 1990s to the current. Cohn assures readers that Hillary won’t “be a Democratic Eisenhower, a popular, senior statesperson who cruises to a simple victory.It’s the type of comparison that gives a certain implicit reassurance about the near future. (No, Virginia, we haven’t left the world of politics through which former general and president Dwight D. Eisenhower can still be a touchstone.)

Cohn may be right when it comes to Hillary’s electability, but this is not Dwight D. Eisenhower’s or even Al Gore’s America. For those who desire a measure of that, consider this year’s primaries. I mean, after all, the 2015 ones. Once upon a time, the campaign season started with candidates flocking to Iowa and New Hampshire early in the election year to ascertain their bona fides among party voters. Nowadays, however, those are already late primaries.

The early primaries, those that count, take place among a small group of millionaires and billionaires, a new caste flush with cash who will personally, or through complex networks of funders, pour multi-millions of dollars into the campaigns of candidates of their choice. So the early primaries — this year mainly a Republican affair — are taking place in resort spots like Las Vegas, Rancho Mirage, California, and Sea Island, Georgia, as has been widely reported. These “contestsinvolve groveling politicians appearing on the beck and call of the rich and powerful, and so reflect our new one percent electoral system. (The principle pro-Hillary super PAC, as an illustration, is aiming for a kitty of $500 million heading into 2016, while the Koch brothers network has already promised to drop almost $1 billion into the coming campaign season, doubling their efforts within the last presidential election year.)

Ever because the Supreme Court opened up the last word floodgates with its 2010 Citizens United decision, each subsequent election has seen record-breaking amounts of cash donated and spent. The 2012 presidential campaign was the primary $2 billion election; campaign 2016 is predicted to hit the $5 billion mark without breaking a sweat. By comparison, in response to Burton Abrams and Russell Settle of their study, “The Effect of Broadcasting on Political Campaign Spending,Republicans and Democrats spent just below $13 million combined in 1956 when Eisenhower won his second term.

Within the meantime, it’s still true that the 2016 primaries will involve actual voters, as will the election that follows. The previous election season, the midterms of 2014, cost almost $4 billion, a record despite the number of small donors continuing to drop. It also represented the bottom midterm voter turnout since World War II. (See: demobilization of the general public, below — and add within the demobilization of the Democrats as an actual party, the breaking of organized labor, the fragmenting of the Republican Party, and the return of voter suppression laws visibly meant to limit the franchise.) It hardly matters just what the flood of latest money does in such elections, when you may feel the burden of inequality bearing down on the entire process in a way that is pushing us somewhere new.

2. The Privatization of the State (or the U.S. as a Prospective Third-World Nation)

In the recent coverage of the Hillary Clinton email flap, yow will discover endless references to the Clintons of yore in wink-wink, you-know-how-they-are-style reporting; and yes, she did delete plenty of emails; and yes, it’s an election year coming and, as everyone points out, the Republicans are going to do their best to keep the e-mail issue alive until hell freezes over, etc., etc. Again, the coverage, while eyeball gluing, is in a you’ve-seen-it-all-before, you’ll-see-it-all-again-mode.

However, you haven’t seen all of it before. Probably the most striking aspect of this little brouhaha lies in what’s most obvious but least highlighted. An American secretary of state chose to arrange her own private, safeguarded email system for doing government work; that is, she chose to privatize her communications. If this were Cairo, it may not warrant a second thought. However it didn’t happen in some third-world state. It was the act of a key official of the planet’s reigning (or thrashing) superpower, which — even if it wasn’t the primary time such a thing had ever occurred — needs to be taken as a tiny symptom of something that couldn’t be larger or, within the long stretch of history, newer: the ongoing privatization of the American state, or no less than the national security a part of it.

Though the wedding of the state and the corporation has a pre-history, the complete-scale arrival of the warrior corporation only occurred after 9/11. Someday, that can undoubtedly be seen as a seminal moment in the formation of whatever could also be coming on this country. Only 13 years later, there is no such thing as a part of the war state that has not experienced major forms of privatization. The U.S. military could not go to war without its crony corporations doing KP and guard duty, delivering the mail, building the bases, and being involved in nearly all of its activities, including training the militaries of foreign allies and even fighting. Such warrior corporations are now involved in every aspect of the national security state, including torture, drone strikes, and — to the tune of hundreds of thousands of contract employees like Edward Snowden — intelligence gathering and spying. You name it and, in these years, it’s been at the least partly privatized.

All it’s a must to do is read reporter James Risen’s recent book, Pay Any Price, on how the worldwide war on terror was fought in Washington, and you know that privatization has brought something else with it: corruption, scams, and the gaming of the system for profits of a sort which may normally be related to a typical third-world kleptocracy. And all of this, a brand new world being born, was reflected in a tiny way in Hillary Clinton’s very personal decision about her emails.

Though it’s a subject I know a lot less about, this kind of privatization (and the corruption that goes with it) is undoubtedly underway within the non-war-making, non-security-projecting a part of the American state as well.

3. The De-legitimization of Congress and the Presidency

On a 3rd front, American “confidencewithin the three classic check-and-balance branches of government, as measured by polling outfits, continues to fall. In 2014, Americans expressing a “great deal of confidencein the Supreme Court hit a new low of 23 percent; within the presidency, it was 11 percent, and in Congress a bottom-scraping 5 percent. (The military, then again, registers at 50 percent.) The figures for “hardly any confidence at allare respectively 20 percent, 44 percent, and more than 50 percent. All are in or near record-breaking territory for the last four decades.

It seems fair to say that lately Congress has been engaged in a means of delegitimizing itself. Where that body once had the genuine power to declare war, for example, it’s now “debatingin a desultory fashion an “authorizationfor a war against the Islamic State in Syria, Iraq, and possibly elsewhere that has already been underway for eight months and whose course, it seems, can be essentially unaltered, whether Congress authorizes it or not.

What would President Harry Truman, who once famously ran a presidential campaign against a “do-nothingCongress, should say about a body that actually can do just about nothing? Or rather, to give the Republican war hawks in that new Congress their due, not quite nothing. They are proving able to acting effectively to delegitimize the presidency as well. House Majority Leader John Boehner’s invitation to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to undercut the president’s Iranian nuclear negotiations and the letter signed by 47 Republican senators and directed to the Iranian ayatollahs are striking examples of this. They are visibly meant to tear down an “imperial presidencythat Republicans gloried in not so long ago.

The radical nature of that letter, not as an act of state but of its de-legitimization, was noted even in Iran, where fundamentalist Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei proclaimed it “a sign of a decline in political ethics and the destruction of the American establishment from within.Here, however, the letter is either being covered as a singularly extreme one-off act (“treason! or, as Jon Stewart did on “The Daily Show,as a part of a repetitive tit-for-tat between Democrats and Republicans over who controls foreign policy. It’s, actually, neither. It represents part of a growing pattern during which Congress becomes an ever less effective body, except in its willingness to take on and potentially take out the presidency.

In the twenty-first century, all that “small governmentRepublicans and “big governmentDemocrats can agree on is offering essentially unconditional support to the military and the national security state. The Republican Party — its various factions increasingly at each other’s throats almost as often as at those of the Democrats — seems reasonably united solely on issues of war-making and security. As for the Democrats, an unpopular administration, facing constant attack by those that loath President Obama, has kept its footing partially by allying with and fusing with the national security state. A president who came into office rejecting torture and promoting sunshine and transparency in government has, in the course of six-plus years, come to identify himself almost totally with the U.S. military, the CIA, the NSA, and the like. While it has launched an unprecedented campaign against whistleblowers and leakers (as well as sunshine and transparency), the Obama White House has proved a robust enabler of, but in addition remarkably dependent upon, that state-within-a-state, an odd fate for “the imperial presidency./p>

4. The Rise of the National Security State because the Fourth Branch of Government

One “branchof government is, however, visibly on the rise and rapidly gaining independence from nearly any form of oversight. Its ability to enact its wishes with almost no opposition in Washington is a striking feature of our moment. But while the symptoms of this process are regularly reported, the overall phenomenon — the creation of a de facto fourth branch of government — gets remarkably little attention. In the war on terror era, the national security state has come into its own. Its growth has been phenomenal. Though it’s seldom pointed out, it should be considered remarkable that in this period we gained a second full-scale “defense department,the Department of Homeland Security, and that it and the Pentagon have become even more entrenched, each surrounded by its own growing “complexof private corporations, lobbyists, and allied politicians. The militarization of the country has, in these years, proceeded apace.

Meanwhile, the duplication to be found within the U.S. Intelligence Community with its 17 major agencies and outfits is staggering. Its growing ability to surveil and spy on a worldwide scale, including on its own citizens, puts the totalitarian states of the twentieth century to shame. That the various parts of the national security state can act in just about any fashion without fear of accountability in a court of law is by now too obvious to belabor. As wealth has traveled upwards in American society in ways not seen since the primary Gilded Age, so taxpayer dollars have migrated into the national security state in an almost plutocratic fashion.

New reports regularly surface about the further activities of parts of that state. In recent weeks, for example, we learned from Jeremy Scahill and Josh Begley of the Intercept that the CIA has spent years trying to break the encryption on Apple iPhones and iPads; it has, that is, been aggressively seeking to attack an all-American corporation (even if significant parts of its production process are literally in China). Meanwhile, Devlin Barrett of the Wall Street Journal reported that the CIA, an agency barred from domestic spying operations of any sort, has been helping the U.S. Marshals Service (a part of the Justice Department) create an airborne digital dragnet on American cell phones. Planes flying out of five U.S. cities carry a type of technology that “mimics a cellphone tower.” This technology, developed and tested in distant American war zones and now dropped at “the homeland,” is just part of the ongoing militarization of the country from its borders to its police forces. And there’s hardly been a week since Edward Snowden first released crucial NSA documents in June 2013 when such “advanceshaven’t been within the news.

News also regularly bubbles up in regards to the further expansion, reorganization, and upgrading of parts of the intelligence world, the sorts of reports that have become the barely noticed background hum of our lives. Recently, for instance, Director John Brennan announced a major reorganization of the CIA meant to interrupt down the classic separation between spies and analysts on the Agency, while creating a new Directorate of Digital Innovation liable for, among other things, cyberwarfare and cyberespionage. At about the identical time, in response to the new York Times, the middle for Strategic Counterterrorism Communications, an obscure State Department agency, was given a new and expansive role in coordinating “all the prevailing attempts at countermessaging [against online propaganda by terror outfits like the Islamic State] by much larger federal departments, including the Pentagon, Homeland Security and intelligence agencies./p>

This sort of thing is par for the course in an era in which the national security state has only grown stronger, endlessly elaborating, duplicating, and overlapping the various parts of its increasingly labyrinthine structure. And remember that, in a structure that has fought hard to keep what it is doing cloaked in secrecy, there may be so much more that we don’t know. Still, we must always know enough to comprehend that this ongoing process reflects something new in our American world (even if nobody cares to note).

5. The Demobilization of the American People

In the Age of Acquiescence, a brand new book about America’s two Gilded Ages, Steve Fraser asks why it was that, in the nineteenth century, another period of plutocratic excesses, concentration of wealth and inequality, buying of politicians, and attempts to demobilize the public, Americans took to the streets with such determination and in remarkable numbers over long periods of time to protest their treatment, and stayed there even when the brute power of the state was called out against them. In our own moment, Fraser wonders, why has the silence of the general public in the face of similar developments been so striking?

In any case, a grim new American system is arising before our eyes. Everything we once learned in the civics textbooks of our childhoods about how our government works now seems askew, while the growth of poverty, the flatlining of wages, the rise of the .01 percent, the collapse of labor, and the militarization of society are all evident.

The technique of demobilizing the public certainly began with the military. It was initially a response to the disruptive and rebellious draftees of the Vietnam-era. In 1973, at the stroke of a presidential pen, the citizen’s army was declared no more, the raising of latest recruits was turned over to advertising agencies (a preview of the privatization of the state to return), and the general public was sent home, never again to meddle in military affairs. Since 2001, that type of demobilization has been etched in stone and transformed right into a way of life in the name of the “safetyand “securityof the general public.

Since then, “we the peoplehave made ourselves felt in only three disparate ways: from the left in the Occupy movement, which, with its slogans in regards to the one percent and the 99 percent, put the issue of growing economic inequality on the map of American consciousness; from the correct, in the Tea Party movement, a complex expression of discontent backed and a minimum of partially funded by right-wing operatives and billionaires, and aimed at the de-legitimization of the “nanny state and the recent round of post-Ferguson protests spurred at least partially by the militarization of the police in black and brown communities around the country.

The Birth of a new System

Otherwise, a moment of increasing extremity has also been a moment of — to make use of Fraser’s word — “acquiescence.Someday, we’ll assumedly understand much better how this all came to be. In the meantime, let me be as clear as I will be about something that seems murky indeed: this period doesn’t represent a version, no matter how perverse or extreme, of politics as usual; nor is the 2016 campaign an election as usual; nor are we experiencing Washington as usual. Put together our one percent elections, the privatization of our government, the de-legitimization of Congress and the presidency, as well as the empowerment of the national security state and the U.S. military, and add within the demobilization of the American public (within the name of protecting us from terrorism), and you’ve got something like a new ballgame.

While significant planning has been involved in all of this, there could also be no ruling pattern or design. Much of it could also be happening in a purely seat-of-the-pants fashion. In response, there was no urge to officially declare that something new is afoot, let alone convene a new constitutional convention. Still, don’t for a second think that the American political system isn’t being rewritten on the run by interested parties in Congress, our present crop of billionaires, corporate interests, lobbyists, the Pentagon, and the officials of the national security state.

Out of the chaos of this prolonged moment and inside the shell of the old system, a brand new culture, a brand new sort of politics, a brand new form of governance is being born right before our eyes. Call it what you want. But call it something. Stop pretending it’s not happening.

Tom Engelhardt is a co-founding father of the American Empire Project and the author of The United States of Fear as well as a history of the Cold War, The end of Victory Culture. He is a fellow of the Nation Institute and runs His latest book is Shadow Government: Surveillance, Secret Wars, and a worldwide Security State in a Single-Superpower World (Haymarket Books).

[Note: My special thanks go to my friend John Cobb, who talked me through this one. Doing it would have been inconceivable without him. Tom]

Follow TomDispatch on Twitter and join us on Facebook. Check out the latest Dispatch Book, Rebecca Solnit’s Men Explain Things to Me, and Tom Engelhardt’s latest book, Shadow Government: Surveillance, Secret Wars, and a worldwide Security State in a Single-Superpower World.

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